Do the Indian democracy, constitution of the Republic of India and the political system allow for equal power sharing by the minority nationalities? Though there are myriad political parties such as Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Congress(I), Telegu Desam Party (TDP), Communist Party of India (Marxist) CPI(M), Indian National Congress, Samajwadi Party (SP), Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), Shiv Sena (SS), Tamil Manila Congress (TMC), Janata Dal (JD), Samata Party, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Janata Party, etc., is real political power concentrated in a certain region of the Indian Union?

Who Rules India?

Thanjai Nalankilli

TAMIL TRIBUNE, November 2000 (ID. 2000-11-01)

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AIADMK - All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

BJP - Bharatiya Janata Party

DMK - Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

MP - Member of Parliament

TDP - Telugu Desam Party

TMC - Tamil Maanila Congress


Hindians: People whose mother tongue is Hindi (similar to Tamil speakers are sometimes referred as Tamilans or Tamilians).


A Few Preliminary Notes

1. Introduction

2. Evidence of Hindian Rule over India

3. Democratic Process in India

4. Hindi Domination of the Indian Government

5. K. M. Panicker's Prophetic Statement from Kerala

6. Tamil Nadu's Rajaji Sidelined

7. Tamil Nadu's Kamaraj Attacked

8. Karnataka's Hegde Back-Stabbed

9. Andhra's Narasimha Rao Humiliated

10. Karnataka's Deva Gowda reads his Speeches in Hindi

11. Karnataka's Deva Gowda Deposed

12. Sonia Gandhi reads her Speeches in Hindi

13. Unwritten Law: Only Hindians or Hindian-Puppets can become Prime Minister of India

14. Dominance of Hindian Leaders during One-Party Rule

15. Dominance of Hindian Leaders during Coalition Rule

A Few Preliminary Notes

Author of this article is from Tamil Nadu and so the article is written primarily from a Tamil perspective but the general observations and conclusions are applicable to most non-Hindi states of India, whether it is Assam or Punjab, Andhra Pradesh or Nagaland, ...

Much is said about Hindi imposition in this article because Hindi imposition is the most visible symbol of Hindian domination over non-Hindi peoples of India. Other activities such as the economic discrimination of some non-Hindi states in favor of Hindi states are not so visible unless one delves into figures and statistics, although this economic aspect is as detrimental, if not more, for those non-Hindi states.

1. Introduction

India is an artificial country. Today's "Republic of India" is the remnant of "British India", the geographical area conquered and ruled by the British in South Asia as their prized colony. Today's India comprises of many nations, namely, Assom, Bodoland, Karnataka, Kerala, Khalistan (Punjab), Maharashtra, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, etc. etc. Does each of these nations, do each of these peoples, participate equally or does one or more of the nations dominate the others and run Government of India for their own benefit? During the British colonial rule it was easy to say that British India was run by the British, serving their self interest. Has the independence of India from British rule merely changed the rule from British hands to someone else? In essence, have Hindians become the de facto rulers of "independent" India over and above all other nationalities?

2. Evidence of Hindian Rule over India

Proof that it is the Hindian politicians who control the Indian Government, irrespective of which party is in power or who the Prime Minister is, is in what the Indian Government does. In a multi-national, multi-ethnic, artificially created country like India, whether one nationality controls the government or not can be verified easily. If the government consistently favors one nationality and their region in economic affairs, that is proof enough that that nationality is controlling the government. If the language of one nationality is imposed on the other nationalities, that is yet another evidence that one nationality is in effect ruling the country. If we examine the situation in India ever since the British colonial rulers left in 1947, we see that the Hindi-speaking regions (called Hindi belt or Hindi heartland) is favored economically by the Indian Government and Hindi language is imposed on others. Improportionately higher percentage of Indian Government financial grants are given to the Hindi belt. Here are some example: In the September 1998 issue of TAMIL TRIBUNE, P. V. Velu writes that during the past 15 years the Indian Government funded 11 drinking water projects in Hindi-speaking Uttar Pradesh and 8 in Hindi speaking Madhya Pradesh but not a single project was funded in Tamil Nadu ("India gets an Atomic Bomb and Tamils lose their Drinking Water!", TAMIL TRIBUNE, September 1998). In the October 1998 issue he shows statistics that Tamil Nadu has twice as much electric power shortage than Hindi speaking Uttar Pradesh. Not only that, even when Tamil Nadu State Government wants to build power plants using its own funds the Indian Government delays them thus blocking further industrial development of Tamil Nadu. ("India hinders Power Projects in Tamil Nadu", TAMIL TRIBUNE, October 1998). He further states that on a kilometer per capita basis, more rail lines are constructed in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh than in Tamil Nadu or other southern states. Electric power, rail lines and roads are important for industrial development and by short changing non-Hindi areas the Indian Government is hindering progress in these regions in spite of the availability of talented and educated manpower.

Also, Indian Government prices agricultural product, raw materials for industry and industrial goods in such a way as to benefit the Hindi belt ("Rice, Wheat and Hindi", TAMIL TRIBUNE, April 1999; "Wheat, Hindians and Khalistan", TAMIL TRIBUNE, March 2000).

When it comes to Indian Government fiscal aid and grants to states, Hindi states are consistently favored (Economic Discrimination of Tamil Nadu and other non-Hindi regions).

Indian Government employees from non-Hindi areas are compelled to study Hindi and their pay raises are pegged to it. Most entrance examinations for the lucrative Indian Government and government sector jobs are held in English and Hindi only thus giving undue advantage to Hindians; While Hindians are thus able to take the examinations in their mother tongue, others have to choose between two alien languages, English and Hindi.

We have proven in this section that Hindian politicians are in fact the real rulers of the Indian Union and they are benefiting from it at the expense of most non-Hindi nationalities.

Hindians do not form a majority in the Indian Union. They are just the largest nationality (or lingual group). They form only about 30 to 40% of the population. Then, how are they able to control the government?

3. Democratic Process in India

India has, over all, an honest democratic system in the sense of "one-adult-one-vote and the majority party or coalition of parties rules the country". Elections are mostly honest with only occasional frauds and vote tampering.

There is, however, one limitation in this "democracy". No individual or party that seeks independence of a state or region from the Indian Union, even by democratic and peaceful means, can contest elections. The world-acclaimed champion of democracy, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru (a Hindian, by the way) enacted a law to that effect in 1963 when he was the Prime Minister. Thus democratic and peaceful means of people achieving their aspirations of self-determination and independence are thwarted. This is the reason for armed independence movements in Nagaland, Mizoram, Assam, Punjab, Kashmir, Tripura, Tamil Nadu, etc. United Nations and other world bodies should take notice of this.

In a multi-national, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual entity like India, "one-adult-one-vote and majority rule" does not necessarily mean equitable power sharing between nationalities. This is exactly what is happening in India.

There are more than a dozen major nationalities in the "Indian Union". None has a majority. The largest nationality is Hindians who primarily live in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and some adjacent states (some times referred to as the "Hindi belt" or "Hindi heartland"). They are estimated to be about 30 to 40% of the population of India. As such, they do not form a majority in the Indian parliament. Then, how are they able to run their hegemony over the rest of the population? Answer: through political maneuvering.

4. Hindian Domination of the Indian Government

Though there are different political parties among Hindi people that fight with each other for the "right to govern India", once it comes to protecting Hindian hegemony over the non-Hindi peoples, they stand together. Have you ever seen any major Hindi politician opposing Hindi imposition? Have you even seen a major Hindi politician calling for devolution of power to states except for defense and foreign policy?

Even with solidarity among Hindian politicians on key issues protecting Hindian hegemony, they do not have a majority in the Indian parliament. Then, how are they able to perpetuate and strengthen Hindian domination of the Indian Government?

Hindian politicians, even without a majority, form the nucleus of power because they are the largest single group. It is easier for politicians from other nationalities (or other regions) to join with Hindian politicians, accept their domination and share the fruits of power. It is easier to join hands with Hindian politicians and form a majority coalition than put together one without them. There is so much jealousy, there is so much rivalry between the various non-Hindi regional political bosses, that they would not yield to one other rather would accept the supremacy of Hindian politicians and accept them as de facto leaders. Recent political history of India is replete with so many incidences to prove this point. Hindian political leaders cleverly exploit this situation to their own benefit. This is the political reality. This is the political dynamics. It is not going to change as long as there is an "India". Let us explore it into a little more detail.

5. K. M. Paniker's Prophetic Statement from Kerala

K. M. Panicker of was a great administrator, scholar and diplomat of his time. He hailed from the south Indian state of Kerala. In the late 1920s he was offered a senior position in the then princely state of Kashmir (This was before the British left South Asia and parts of Kashmir were annexed to Pakistan and India). When asked why he took that offer, he said, "I had serious doubts whether it would be right to exchange service to the country (India) for service to the prince (king of Kashmir)... I considered various aspects of the problems and came to the conclusion. First, it was clear to me that a Travancorean (parts of Kerala was then called Travancore) like me was unlikely to attain any position of vantage in Indian affairs." How prophetic he was!

6. Tamil Nadu's Rajaji Sidelined

C. R. Rajagoplachari (Rajaji) of Tamil Nadu fought against the British colonial rule side by side with Gandhi, Nehru and others. He was among the top rung leaders in the freedom movement and the Congress Party. He was considered one of the most intelligent of the Congress leadership. He also proved his administrative skill as the Prime Minister of Madras Province in the Congress Government set up under the British rule. Yet, when the British left he was sidelined from the corridors of power. He was eased out from any position of real power in the "independent" India by offering him the temporary position of governor-general of India in 1947. This position was to be eliminated in 1950. He was not offered any other position in 1950 in the new Indian Government. He was sent back south where he would become the Chief Minister of Madras State. Many even today believe that he was not offered a position of real power in the new Indian Government because he was from the south.

7. Tamil Nadu's Kamaraj Attacked

Chief Minister Kamaraj of Tamil Nadu was one of the most powerful regional leaders ("regional bosses") in the Congress Party from the 1950s through mid-1960s. This was the time when Congress Party was the unchallenged victor in Indian political arena. It was able to form government on its own without help from any other party. It also formed all state governments except for Kerala. Kamaraj was often called the kingmaker because he played a pivotal role in the choice of Indira Gandhi and later Morarji Desai as Prime Minsters of India.

Kamaraj opposed Hindi imposition. Once, in frustration he told Tamil Nadu officials, "if you get a letter from the Indian Government in Hindi, tear them and throw them away". Such statements angered Hindians that later, when he lived in New Delhi, some people attempted to burn down his residence there. No one was arrested, giving credence to the theory that some powerful Hindian politicians were behind it.

In spite of all his political clout within the Congress Party, he could do nothing about Hindi imposition or the siphoning off of vast amounts of money from Tamil Nadu into the Hindi belt. A pragmatic politician that he was, he knew his place in the Indian hierarchy, like Kerala's Mr. Panicker knew it some quarter of a century before him (see Section 5). Once he told reporters, "I cannot become India's Prime Minister because I know neither Hindi nor English". He could as well have said, "I could not become the Prime Minister because I don't know Hindi", as subsequent political events revealed (see Sections 10 and 12).

8. Karnataka's Hegde Back-Stabbed

During the late 1980s the fledging Janata Party, a contender for taking control of the Indian Government in the next election, was about to elect its President. Karnataka Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde was a leading candidate. A powerful politician like Hegde with proven administrative experience as chief minister would naturally be the choice for Prime Minister if he were to become Janata Party President and the Party were to form the Indian Government. This idea soured Hindi politicians of the party. They went on a covert campaign to besmirch Hegde and succeeded Seldom do leaders of one party smirch the name of another leader of the party; Hegde's case was a rare exception. This goes to show the extent Hindians would go to keep non-Hindians out of real power.

In recent years some All-India Parties have taken to electing lightweight, non-Hindian politicians to the party President post as a sop to non-Hindians, knowing well that they would never be serious contenders for the Prime Minister position. BJP did this recently.

Sometimes political compulsions make it necessary to elect a non-Hindian as Prime Minister. Failing everything else, Hindians would grudgingly do so but wait for the earliest opportunity to depose them. The fates of Narasinha Rao and Deva Gowda illustrate this (see Sections 9 and 11).

9. Andhra's Narasimha Rao Humiliated

Congress(I) emerged victorious by a slight margin in the 1991 parliamentary elections. While it lost many seats in the Hindi belt, it won substantial seats in the south. That numbers game lead to the election of Andhra Pradesh's Narasimha Rao as the Prime Minister. He was a veteran Congress leader and had served in the cabinet of many previous governments. Although his mother tongue was Telugu, he was fluent in Hindi. He never spoke against Hindi imposition in all his years in politics (unlike Kamaraj). This, to some extent, made him acceptable to Hindian politicians temporarily. In the case of all previous Congress Party Prime Ministers (all Hindians), once elected they remained unchallenged leaders. This was not the case with this first southern Prime Minister. He was constantly challenged by Arjun Singh from the Hindi belt. Rao's position was never considered safe in Congress(I). He knew the power of Hindians within the party. He placated them by speaking in Hindi in radio and television addresses, instead of his native Telugu. If the Indian Government's policy is to promote all Indian languages, as it claims, would it not be prudent for the Prime Minister to speak on radio and television is his/her mother tongue and translated to English for the benefit of those who do not know the Prime Minister's language (as Hindi speeches were usually done)? He also did nothing to stop or even reduce the transfer of large amount of tax monies from many non-Hindi states into the Hindi belt. His government spent more money on Hindi propagation and development than the previous ones; he wanted to appease Hindian politicians as best he could. Even with him totally subservient to Hindians, as Hindian politicians consolidated their positions within the party, he was unceremoniously deposed and humiliated by not even offering him a seat to contest the next election. No Hindian leader of Congress Party was thus humiliated in the past. (This was years before charges were filed against Narasimha Rao for bribing members of parliament to support his government. So it has nothing to do with the way Congress (I) treated him.)

Narasinha Rao' s humiliation within the party by not even offering him a seat to contest the next election was meant as a warning to all non-Hindi politicians not to be too ambitious; they better know their position in Indian politics and accept Hindian supremacy. (This is not an isolated case. We already discussed in Section 8 how Hindians of his own party undermined Karnataka's Ramakrishna Hegde. We discuss in Section 11, the case of former Prime Minister Deve Gowda. You will see a common thread of preventing non-Hindi politicians from becoming Prime Ministers, and if they do against all odds, to depose them as quickly as possible.)

10. Karnataka's Deve Gowda reads his Speeches in Hindi

(NOTE: A detailed account of the Deve Gowda episode may be found in the article "Why Gowda Went Out, And Gujral Came in as Prime Minister?", TAMIL TRIBUNE, September 1997. Here we provide only a brief summary.)

No single party gained a majority in the 1996 parliamentary elections. A number of diverse political parties joined together and formed a coalition government under the name of United Front government, with Congress(I) supporting it from outside the coalition. The coalition was loaded with southern members of parliament and Hindians had only a small number of members in it. Also, all dominant parties in the coalition were regional parties from non-Hindi regions. The coalition did not have any Hindi leader of stature unlike many non-Hindi leaders like Karnataka's Deve Gowda, Andhra's Naidu and Tamil Nadu's Karunanidhi. All of them powerful leaders in their respective states; no one of such stature was from Hindi regions in the coalition. This situation forced the election of a southerner, Karnataka's H. D. Deve Gowda as Prime Minister. Gowda was not only from outside the Hindi belt but he knew very little Hindi. He was the first Prime Minister in all of the almost 50 years of independent India not to know Hindi. Hindian politicians were not at all happy with him as Prime Minister. But he was at least marginally acceptable as a temporary consensus candidate because he had never opposed Hindi imposition.

Deve Gowda knew that he should not upset Hindian politicians. When the time came for him to address the people in radio and television on Independence Day, he asked his aides to write a speech in Hindi. Then the Hindi words were written down in his native Kannada language and he read the speech. So much is the power of Hindians in Indian politics you should speak in Hindi whatever your mother tongue is. (See Section 12 for a similar episode with another contender for the Prime Minister position.)

11. Karnataka's Deve Gowda Deposed

Although Prime Minister Deve Gowda was careful not to upset Hindian politicians, he made a fatal slip. Indian Government controlled television (Doordharshan) is the only broadcast television in India. The private channels are cable-cast or satellite-cast and do not reach much of non-urban areas. The Government controlled television broadcasts a daily agriculture bulletin in Hindi all over India, in both Hindi and non-Hindi areas. There were no such bulletins in the other languages. Gowda, as one coming from the non-Hindi state of Karnataka and one who does not know Hindi, understood the stupidity of such broadcasts to non-Hindi farmers like those in Karnataka who do not know Hindi. He ordered that the agriculture bulletins be broadcast in local languages. This angered Hindian politicians. There were only a small number of Hindians within the coalition but there were sizable numbers in Congress(I) which was supporting the coalition government from outside. They rallied enough support within a few months and in April 1997 Congress (I) gave an ultimatum that Gowda be ousted or they would withdraw support resulting in the collapse of the coalition government. They were not objecting to any of the government's major foreign or domestic policies, they were not objecting to any other minister in the cabinet, they were not asking for any ministerial position for Congress(I); their only demand was Deve Gowda out! They were willing to accept I. K. Gujral as Prime Minister. He was a light-weight politician from Hindi belt who had very few Members of Parliament from his party thus was never even considered for the Prime Minister position before. But he emerged as the only politician acceptable to the Hindian dominated Congress(I). They wanted to send a clear message to any non-Hindi politician who would dare to interfere in the Hindian hegemony of India. Gujral's selection sent the right message. The selection of Gujral to replace Gowda was a message no one could miss. Gowda wanted the government-controlled television to replace Hindi language agriculture bulletins by local language bulletins. Gujral used to be the Minister for Communications and Broadcasting in an earlier government. During his tenure in that position, he openly stated that television would be used to propagate Hindi, a differing view than Gowda's. For that "service" to Hindi he was now awarded the Prime Minister position and Gowda was "punished" for interfering in the use of government television to propagate and impose Hindi. The message was clear to all non-Hindi politicians aspiring for key posts in the Indian Government, "We (Hindians) may allow non-Hindian Prime Ministers if absolutely necessary but if he/she does anything against Hindian supremacy, we will depose him/her". The message was not lost on the formerly staunch opponent to Hindi imposition, the DMK Party of Tamil Nadu. During the past few years it has softened its stand on Hindi imposition; except for a few statements within Tamil Nadu it kept silent within the government. It is no accident that Maran, DMK President Karunanidhi's nephew and Minister for Industry, took his oath of office in English and not in Tamil while all Hindian ministers did so in Hindi. His ministry continues to base promotions and salary increments on the basis of passing Hindi examination. Karunanidhi, a one-time anti-Hindi stalwart, knows very well that if Maran or other DMK ministers interfere in the continued Hindi imposition in their ministries, their positions would not last for even a week.

The Deve Gowda episode demonstrates the extent of Hindian power in Indian politics and who really rules India.

12. Sonia Gandhi reads her Speeches in Hindi

Former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's widow Mrs. Sonia Gandhi aspires to become the Prime Minister of India. She was born and brought up in Italy and she moved to India after her marriage. She is a honorary Hindian by marriage but she knows very little Hindi. Her command of English is excellent. She did not make any effort to learn Hindi until after her entry into politics a few years after her husband's death. Her command of Hindi is limited and she could not make a speech in Hindi. So she reads her speeches in Hindi (written by others) as Deve Gowda did when he was the Prime Minister (see Section 10). This again shown the power of Hindians in Indian politics. We are again reminded of Kamaraj's statement, "I cannot become India's Prime Minister because I know neither Hindi nor English". He could as well have said, "I could not become the Prime Minister because I don't know Hindi". This is the reality of India that is Hindia!

13. Unwritten Law: Only Hindians or Hindian-Puppets can be Prime Ministers of India

What we discussed in Sections 5 through 12 may be summarized by a single statement. There is an unwritten law in India, "Only Hindians or Hindian-puppets can become the Prime Minister of India". This law could as well be enshrined in the Indian Constitution! Hindians are the natural choice for the Prime Minister position. If political compulsions make it necessary, as in 1991 and 1996, a non-Hindian may be elected temporarily for the position if they are willing to be totally subservient to Hindian interests. In short, a Hindian Prime Minister is tradition, a non-Hindian Prime Minister is out of the norm, to be tolerated temporarily.

14. Dominance of Hindian Leaders during One-Party Rule

One-Party rule, as opposed to multi-party rule (coalition government), existed in India for about 30 years out of the 50 or so years since the British rule ended. Congress and its offshoot Congress (I) were the only parties that ruled Indian alone without the help of other parties. Congress Party decisions were government decisions. Though there were powerful regional leaders in the party like Andhra's Sanjeeva Reddy, Karnataka's Nijalingappa and Tamil Nadu's Kamaraj, they had to defer to Hindian leadership when it came to key decisions like Hindi as official language and the improportionately large disbursement of Indian (Central) Government tax revenues to the development of the Hindi belt. Reddy, Nijalingappa and Kamaraj in no way favored Hindi imposition but because of party discipline and party whip they had to accept it. We already noted Kamaraj's statement to Tamil Nadu State Government officials, "if you get a letter from the Indian Government in Hindi, tear them and throw them away". Reddy and Nijalingappa were also opposed to Hindi imposition and said so in 1965 in so uncertain terms. But they knew there is not much they could do and resigned to it. They understood Hindian power within the party and thus in the Indian Government.

Hindian domination and control of the Indian Government started from the days of the first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Nehru, a Hindian, was an authoritarian within the Congress Party. He may consult the regional political bosses but once he made the decision, everyone was expected to agree to it. This is evident from the available records of Congress Executive Committee Meetings of that time. His quick temper was well known among party stalwarts. Nehru was a greater-than life figure in India because of his closeness to Gandhi during the freedom struggle against British rule. No one, even the powerful "regional bosses" could question, let alone challenge, his decisions. Hindi imposition and the siphoning off of tax monies from many non-Hindi states into the Hindi belt started during his tenure as Prime Minister between 1947 to 1963 and continues to this day. Many heavy-industrial plants were built in the Hindi belt during his rule, while neglecting the other regions. Tamil Nadu's DMK leaders used to say, "North flourishes, South languishes (Vadakku Vazhkirathu, Therku Thazhkirathu)". Hindi imposition was also in full swing. Once asked about Tamil Nadu's opposition to Hindi imposition, he snapped "nonsense". He thus denigrated the sentiments of the whole Tamil population.

The tenure of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri (a Hindian) was no different from that of his predecessor Nehru. Hindi imposition and the economic discrimination of non-Hindi regions continued. It was during his time that Tamil Nadu erupted in the 1965 anti-Hindi imposition agitation and "uncounted number"* of unarmed Tamil people were shot and killed by Indian security forces and thousands severely would and maimed for life in a week's time. He also made key decisions without the consent of regional leaders. For example, he signed the Shastri-Bandaranaike agreement with Sri Lanka against the displeasure of Tamil Nadu's Kamaraj. This agreement affected adversely the lives of tens of thousands of tea-estate Tamils in Sri Lanka. (* The State Government is said to have destroyed all records of the shootings, and so the number of people killed, maimed and wounded could not be ascertained with any certainty. That is why we used the phrase "uncounted number" above. Estimates of the number killed range from 50 to a few hundred. There is no estimate of the number injured or maimed. Professor Alfred Stepan of Columbia University (USA) writes, "Police and army troops opened fire in twenty-one towns in the state, arrested over 10,000 people, and probably killed over 100 people".)

The next Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (a Hindian), once she split the Congress Party and formed Congress (I) [I stands for Indira], was unchallenged and Hindian hold of the Indian Government consolidated further under her. She made the crucial Kachchatheevu agreement with Sri Lanka, handing over sovereignty of the tiny island to Sri Lanka, without consulting Tamil Nadu. This island was important to the livelihood of Tamil Nadu fishermen but which Indian Prime Minister ever cared for Tamil lives and livelihood! Loss of the island still adversely affects Tamil Nadu fishermen.

She was succeeded by her son Rajiv Gandhi (a Hindian). He was not experienced and was totally obliging to the Hindian politicians of his party. As usual Hindian domination and control of the Indian Government continued. It is by now the accepted norm.

Rajiv Gandhi was succeeded by Narasinha Rao (a non-Hindi politician from Andhra Pradesh). As we discussed in Section 9, he was under pressure from Hindian political leaders for the Prime Ministership. He bent over backwards to placate Hindian politicians by spending more money on Hindi propagation and development than his predecessors. Also, tax monies from many non-Hindi regions flowed generously into the Hindi belt.

Thus, in summary, Hindians dominated the Congress parties and thus dominated and controlled the Indian Government during the one-party Congress and Congress(I) rule of some thirty of the past fifty years. Tamil Nadu's DMK leaders often made fun of Congress leaders of Tamil Nadu as going on supplication trips to New Delhi begging for fiscal grants and aid for the state. In due course, DMK and its offshoot AIADMK had the chance to participate in the coalition governments of India. Let us see how they fared.

15. Dominance of Hindian Politicians during Coalition Rule

As the Congress (I) lost its dominance in the Indian political arena, assorted parties were able to join hands and form coalition governments. Regional parties like Tamil Nadu's DMK and AIADMK, Andhra Pradesh's TDP, Punjab's Akali Dal, etc. became members of the coalition governments. If anyone thought that this would end Hindian domination and control of the Indian Government and pave way for devolution of more power to states and thus reduce the power of Hindians over the lives of non-Hindi peoples, this was not to be.

Most of the coalition government Prime Ministers were Hindians; they were Charan Singh, V. P. Singh, Chandrasekhar, Gujral and Vajpayee. Prime Minister Morarji Desai of Gujarat, although not from the Hindi belt was totally supportive of Hindian dominance and more of a fanatic when it came to Hindi imposition. He was so angry at Tamil Nadu wanting English instead of Hindi as the official language that, once, addressing a public rally in Tamil Nadu, he ordered that there be no translation of his English speech into Tamil because "you people want English, you get it". Of course such attitudes endeared him to Hindian politicians and he was in every sense a Hindian politician but for his region of birth. The cases of the other non-Hindi Prime Minister, Deve Gowda, was discussed in Sections 10 and 11. He did his best to placate Hindian politicians but was unceremoniously ousted by Hindian politicians as soon as they could muster enough strength (see Section 11).

Participation of regional parties in the coalition ignited some flickers of hope of devolution of more power and revenues to states. But the reverse happened. Hindian politicians were still able to maneuver as to shift more powers from states to the Indian Central Government. Revenues allocated to states were decreased ("Less Money for States, More Money for Center", TAMIL TRIBUNE, March 2000). Attempts to partially take control of primary education, police, cinema and sales tax are made. Sales tax decisions that are detrimental to states like Tamil Nadu are forced on to them. ("Hindians Take Over More Power in India", TAMIL TRIBUNE, March 2000; "Indian Government Interferes in State Sales Tax", TAMIL TRIBUNE, March 2000). Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi who used to make fun of former Congress Chief Minister Kamaraj of making frequent "begging trips" to New Delhi is now begging the Indian Government for more power and funds to the state but to no avail. (No, I am not making fun of Chief Minister Karunanidhi. He is doing his best to get whatever he can from the Indian Government. We should thank him for that in the same way we should thank Kamaraj for his begging trips. This is the political reality of India.)

In summary, one-party rule or coalition rule, Hindians dominate the Indian government and impose their language and culture on the others and continue to channel huge amounts of money (thousands and thousands of crores of Rupees annually) from non-Hindi regions into the Hindi belt (1 crore = 10 million). This situation is not going to change.

(End of Part I of this 2-part article)

Part II will appear in a future issue of TAMIL TRIBUNE. Don't miss it.

Outline of Part II

16. Key Decisions are made by a Hindian Kitchen Cabinet

17. Non-Hindians may have Cabinet Positions but do they have Real Power?

18. The Case of Industries Minister Maran of Tamil Nadu

19. Singh-Devi Lal-Karunanidhi Tussle

20. Yadav-Karunanidhi Tug of War

21. Hindian Rule is here to Stay

22. Only Way to end Hindian Hegemony

Appendix-I: It is not North versus South, it is Hindians versus Non-Hindians

Appendix-II: It is not Hindus versus non-Hindus, it is Hindians versus non-Hindians


Why Gowda Went Out, and Gujral Came In As The Prime Minister? (by Usha Ramanathan), TAMIL TRIBUNE, September 1997 (11 KB)

Economic Discrimination of Tamil Nadu and other non-Hindi regions

India gets an Atomic Bomb and Tamils lose their Drinking Water! (by P. V. Velu), TAMIL TRIBUNE, September 1998.

India hinders Power Projects in Tamil Nadu (by P.V. Velu), TAMIL TRIBUNE, October 1998.

Rice, Wheat and Hindi (by T. Ranganathan), TAMIL TRIBUNE, April 1999 (7 KB)

Hindians Take Over More Power in India (by Thanjai Nalankilli), TAMIL TRIBUNE, March 2000

Indian Government Interferes in State Sales Tax (by V. P. Govindarajan), TAMIL TRIBUNE, March 2000 (10 KB)

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